A Lexical Analysis of Polish Multifunctional Reflexive Marker
Anna Kupsc

As  common  in Slavic, e.g., Russian,   Bulgarian or Serbo-Croatian,
Polish reflexive  marker  (RM)  `sie'  `self'  is multifunctional.  It  
can be an impersonal, (1a) middle,  (1b),  inherent (1c)  or anaphoric
marker  (ARM), (1d). Verbs in (1a)-(1c) are often considered to be
lexically specified for RM, unlike in (1d) where RM is treated  as a
counterpart of the complement. In this paper, we provide evidence that
ARM is not  fully equivalent to the complement  `siebie', either, and we
propose   a lexical analysis of Polish RM. 

The correspondence  between the    complement   and  ARM  is   not  
always maintained.  ARM cannot replace the  complement of transitive
verbs in (2), the complement  of inherent  reflexives, (3a), or
impersonals, (3b).  The contrast between (3) and  (4b)-(4c)  cannot  be
attributed  to  so-called haplology of RM,  (4a). Haplology  occurs if 
one occurrence of  a morpheme satisfies several requirements for this
morpheme. In  (4a), a single RM has a function    of impersonal and 
inherent   RM.   Note that (4b) has  an `object-drop' rather than an  
intended haplology meaning (=/=(3a)), while (4c) is ambiguous   between
haplology (=(3b)) and `object-drop' (=/=(3b))interpretation. 

These data  show that ARM cannot  freely substitute `siebie'  and we
assume that RM is  always lexically specified. We treat  Polish RM as a 
syntactic item  (e.g., it can be elided),  subcategorized for by  the
verb, just like other   complements.  Hence, in the  framework  of HPSG
(Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Pollard and Sag(1994))  we adopt,
RM and complements are present on the COMPS (COMPLEMENTS) list of a
word.   We distinguish RM from complements by  representing  them as
objects   of distinct `synsem'  types (`ana-clitic'  for RM and 
`non-ana-clitic' for other nominals). Hence, all verbs that  occur with
RM  have  the  argument  `ana-cl'  specified in  the lexicon.  Lexical
specification  of (A)RM  explains  (2): these verbs are
[COMPS<non-ana-clitic>]. On the other hand,`zobaczyl' `saw' in (1d)  (or
`myje'  `washes' in  (4c))  are  ambiguous,  i.e.,  they have two 
possible subcategorization frames: [COMPS<ana-cl>] or
[COMPS<non-ana-cl>]. We  use lexical rules to derive  impersonals,  cf. 
(1a),  (3b), (4a), (4c), and middles, (1b), from   other   verbs.  The 
lexical  rule  we   propose  for impersonals, accounts also for
haplology in (4a) and (4c). Since the single occurrence  of RM  needn't 
yield  haplology, (4b-c),  this rule  correctly predicts   that
haplology occurs   only   in  impersonals.  In (4c), the `object-drop' 
meaning is obtained if  the  impersonal form is derived from the
transitive  verb ([COMPS<non-ana-cl>]).   Inherent reflexives, (1c) and
(3a),  have `ana-clitic' (RM)   on COMPS but   the  complement (if  any)
is `non-ana-cl'.   Hence, another RM in (3a)  is  not licensed whereas
in (4b) `object-drop' reading results (the complement is missing). 


(1) a. Czyta sie/ *siebie te   ksiazke z    przyjemnoscia.
       reads self         this book    with pleasure
      `One reads this book this pleasure.'
    b. Zupa sie/ *siebie szybko  gotuje. 
       soup self         quickly cooks
      `The soup is cooking quickly.'
    c. Jan  boi   sie/ *siebie Piotra. 
       John fears self         Peter
       `John is afraid of Peter.'
    d. Janek zobaczyl sie/ siebie w  lustrze. 
       John  saw      self        in mirror
       `John saw himself in the mirror.'

(2) Jan  siebie/ *sie lubi/ rozumie/    kocha. 
    John self         likes/understands/loves  
    `John likes/understands/loves himself.'

(3) a. Jan  sie  siebie/ *sie boi. 
       John self self         fears 
       `John is afraid of himself.'
    b. Janowi sie  latwo  siebie/ *sie myje   w  cieplej wodzie. 
       John   self easily self         washes in warm    water
       `John finds it easy to wash himself in warm water.'


(4) a. Przyjemnie sie  nam przechadza po parku. 
       nicely     self us  strolls    in park
      `We enjoy strolling in the park.'   (haplology)
    b. Jan  sie  boi.  
       John self fears        (`object-drop')
      `John is afraid.'
    c. Janowi latwo sie  myje   w  cieplej wodzie. 
       John   easy  self washes in warm    water
      `John finds it easy to wash oneself/himself in warm water.'
(ambiguous)

References: 

Pollard, C., and I. A. Sag (1994) Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. 
   Chicago University Press
 
 

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